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Posts
25
Comments
115
Joined
3 yr. ago

Interested in the intersections between policy, law and technology. Programmer, lawyer, civil servant, orthodox Marxist. Blind.


Interesado en la intersección entre la política, el derecho y la tecnología. Programador, abogado, funcionario, marxista ortodoxo. Ciego.

  • The way I look at this is I have a reasonable understanding of rust. I'm not an expert but I can more or less do whatever computation I need to do, use crates, and so on. But with async it's like learning another language. Somewhat of an exaggeration, but it's not just what code you need to write, but also being able to read the error messages from the compiler, understanding the patterns and so on. So yes, it's probably fine, but it does take work.

  • There is literally no instance in which expanding the scope of copyright law is a good thing. Never.

  • Not saying this won't have any negative effects on people, however I think it's a little premature to guess at what it will be like. About 3/4 of the article is commenting what it will do to men when we find out only at the end women are the majority of users.

  • So probably the tokio mpsc channel, right? Why is it not possible tu use normal sync channels? I've read about it but I don't understand the reason.

    Also I'm thinking of spawning a thread to do this part, or should it run on the tokio main function?

  • I've had just this case. Wanted to use a particular crate that uses async and it's forcing me to do lots of async things I'm unfamiliar with. I resent it a little, especially for a program that I'm fairly sure will not require concurrency of this sort.

    At the same time, maybe I'll get used to async rust if I use it enough. But so far I'm not having a lot of fun with it.

  • As far as I can tell, this is incorrect. If there's a post on instance A, a reply from instance B, and someone on instance C follows the OP on A but not the RP on B, they will only see the OP without the reply.

    Source: I very often notice this because I run a single-user instance, and when I open a thread it's incomplete, lacking posts from instances that I have not suspended.

  • Not that I expect a lot of consistency from imperialists, but essentially the same lines of argument can be used regarding the Russian Federation.

    An advisory opinion would effectively settle Israel’s “bilateral dispute” without the state’s consent.

    Ditto for .ru and .ua.

    The court is not equipped to examine a “broad range of complex factual issues concerning the entire history of the parties’ dispute”.

    Same thing, especially if we get back to the formation of the Soviet Union, independence referenda, and so on.

    An advisory opinion would conflict with existing agreements between the parties and negotiation frameworks endorsed by the UN.

    This would be Minsk I and II.

    The request is not appropriate as it asks the court to “assume unlawful conduct on the part of Israel”.

    Ditto.

  • The biggest issues for me are:

    1. No centralisation means there's no canonical single source of truth.
    2. Account migration.
    3. Implementation compatibility.

    No single source of truth leads to the weird effect that if you check a post on your instance, it will have different replies from those on a different instance. Only the original instance where it got posted will have a complete reply set--and only if there are no suspensions involved. Some of this is fixable in principle, but there are technical obstacles.

    Account migration is possible, but migration of posts and follows is non-trivial, Also migration between different implementations is usually not possible. Would be nice if people could keep a distinction between their instance, and their identity, so that the identity could refer to their own domain, for example.

    Last, the issue with implementation compatibility. Ideally it should be possible to use the same account to access different services, and to some extent it works (mastodon can post replies to lemmy or upvote, but not downvote, for example).

  • Historically many if not most conflicts started with the breach of an agreement. Without getting bogged down in irrelevant detail, there are issue of self-determination of Crimea, which repeatedly in 3 referenda (2 if you wish to exclude the last one) pronounced in favour of either autonomy or being part of the CIS (effectively Russian Federation). Likewise, and setting aside the 2014 events for the moment, there also were agreements that, in principle, may have served as a valid status quo, such as Minsk II, and were not complied to by the parties.

    So, sure, some form of trust-building will be necessary. But what's the alternative? Endless war?

  • I'm not. Crimea is not a fourth of Ukraine's territory (27000 km2 out of 603000 km2). That's about a 1/22nd part.

  • No such implication is there. All I said was serious negotiations, which given the state of facts entails the prospect of territorial concessions. I don't expect the negotiations would lead to a simple redrawing of the borders to take account of what each side materially holds at present. In fact, I don't have much of a preconceived idea of what such negotiations would be like other than I find it extremely unlikely that Crimea will return to Ukrainian control. That's the point of negotiation: finding out what the belligerents can live with.

  • How come nobody thought of this? Brilliant! I guess the war is over then?

  • With more sober assessments of the course of the conflict on both sides of the Atlantic, we may hope for a prompt attempt at serious negotiation and, if fate is kind, an end to the hostilities.

  • Just about the way of expressing it, the idea is still on.

  • That NATO official has apologised about the form and lack of context, then restated that territorial concessions are likely:

    But Jenssen did not walk back the idea that a land-for-Nato-membership deal could ultimately be on the table. If there were serious peace negotiations then the military situation at the time, including who controls what territory, “will necessarily have a decisive influence,” the chief of staff said.

  • But Ukraine is not a member. There is no reassurance required, or given, by NATO supplying non-members. In fact one could easily make the opposite claim: NATO depleting its own ammunition stores is doing the opposite of reassuring its members, by decreasing its own margins of safety.

  • As far as I can tell, Stian Jenssen apologised about the way the comment had been made and interpreted, but not about the substance. Specifically:

    A day later, he gave an interview to the same newspaper, VG, that had reported on his original comments. “My statement about this was part of a larger discussion about possible future scenarios in Ukraine, and I shouldn’t have said it that way. It was a mistake,” he said. But Jenssen did not walk back the idea that a land-for-Nato-membership deal could ultimately be on the table. If there were serious peace negotiations then the military situation at the time, including who controls what territory, “will necessarily have a decisive influence,” the chief of staff said.

    So clearly at least some people in NATO consider that a peace deal may entail territorial concessions. Which like it or not is a realistic position to take.

  • At least it doesn't sound like they will have much diplomatic cover to do it. Such an invasion would very simply be a violation of, shall we say it, the rules-based international order(tm).

  • Yep, it's good to see that sovereignty will be respected. These international orgs like OAS and AU can go either way, it depends on a lot of factors.